Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department, Volume One
Henry LeeCHAPTER XIV. THE contest for the southern section of the United States had been regarded, by the respective commanders in chief, with watchful attention; and each took measures to strengthen and invigorate the operations in that quarter. Washington, enfeebled as he was, detached to the south Bland and Baylor’s regiments of horse, and the new levies recruited for the Virginia line; while sir Henry Clinton, viewing the destruction of the resources of the commonwealth of Virginia, as cutting up by the roots resistance in the south, planned an enterprise against that state, no sooner conceived than executed.[note 39] A body of troops amounting to two thousand men was, early in May, placed under the command of brigadier general Matthews. Having immediately embarked on board the British squadron, conducted by sir George Collier, the fleet stood out to sea on the 5th, and on the 9th anchored in Hampton roads. No country presents more easy access by water than Virginia, the object of his invasion. Deep navigable rivers every where intersect it, presenting to the maritime invader advantages too obvious to be overlooked, and trammeling the measures of defence with those difficulties which the severance of the inhabitants, by the enemy’s possession of the rivers, and the toils and delays of circuitous marches, inevitably produce. Aware of the disadvantages to which the state was exposed in war by these bountiful gifts of heaven, government had erected in the most vulnerable points slight fortifications to protect the inhabitants from predatory incursions, and raised a regiment of artillery at state expense, and for state purposes, particularly with the view of furnishing garrisons to their dispersed forts. Norfolk, the great seat of Virginia commerce, is situated on the east side of Elizabeth river; opposite lies Portsmouth; and to the south, in the fork of the two branches of the Elizabeth, which unite immediately above Norfolk, is Gosport; where had been established a navy-yard for the use of the state. To this river, and to these towns, the British armament advanced. No difficulty interposed but the annoyance to be expected from one of those slight forts heretofore mentioned, and like all others erected in the state, exposed on the land side, being designed exclusively to defend the channel of the rivers on which they stood. Fort Nelson,[note 40] the principal of these defences, was situated on the west side of the Elizabeth, a little above the town of Norfolk, and in full command of the channel of the river. Major Matthews,[note 41] with a garrison not exceeding one hundred and fifty men, was charged with the care of this post. On the 10th the fleet entered Elizabeth river, the army debarking three miles below Fort Nelson: preparations were made to gain its rear the next morning, and to carry the works by storm. Open in this quarter, resistance would have been temerity. The major foreseeing the enemy’s intention, evacuated the fort during the night, and retired to the margin of the Great Dismal Swamp, where he could, when necessary, secure his corps from insult or injury. The British general having thus possessed himself of the sole obstruction to his views, established head quarters in Portsmouth, detaching troops to Norfolk, Gosport, and the circumjacent depots of naval and military stores. Finding in these places abundant magazines, he destroyed all not shipped for New York, confounding private with public property. The loss sustained was great, and the injury resulting from it greater, as our stores were much wanted, and could not be quickly replaced. The invasion was as short as it had been effectual; for before the close of the month the fleet and army reached New York. Louis XVI, true to his plighted faith, had given instructions to his admirals in the West Indies to be always ready in the intermission of active operations in that quarter, to extend his assistance to his allies. Count d’Estaing, the same admiral who, in the past year, had been disappointed in his various efforts to contribute to our relief, still commanded on that station. Governor Rutledge and general Lincoln, conscious, from the impotent condition of the enemy in the south, that he must soon fall, could the force of France in the West Indies be brought to bear upon him in conjunction with the southern American army, described in concert with Mons. Plombard, French consul at Charleston, the feeble and divided condition of the army under general Prevost, urging the count by the many weighty considerations, involved in the project, to devote himself to the proposed enterprise during the hurricane months, when, in the West India seas, naval operations cease. No mind was more obedient to the calls of duty, connected with the prospect of increasing his personal fame, than that of the French admiral; and he must have felt some anxiety to make amends in a second, for the disappointments experienced in his first, visit to our coast. He acceded instantly to the proposition; and, as soon as the season and his state of preparation permitted, he set sail from Cape François for Tybee with forty-one sail, mostly of the line, having on board ten regiments, amounting to six thousand men. On drawing near the American coast, the count despatched two ships of the line and three frigates to Charleston, with major general Fontanges, to announce his approach, and to concert, with the governor and general, a plan of operations. Pursuing his course, with the remainder of the fleet, he arrived on the coast of Georgia early in September. Unapprehensive of danger from a French fleet, knowing, as did general Prevost, the British power upon the sea, the appearance of the count d’Estaing was as unexpected as it was alarming. Several of the British ships of war on the Georgia station fell a prey to this sudden invasion; and the rest were saved by running them up the Savannah river. Lincoln[note 42] immediately put his force in motion, and passed into Georgia at Zubly’s Ferry on the 9th; while governor Rutledge, with his usual activity, imbodied the militia, hurrying them on by regiments to join the American general. At the same time he collected a number of shallops and despatched them to the French admiral for the purpose of facilitating the debarkation of his army. On the 13th d’Estaing landed three thousand men at Beaulieu: on the 15th he was joined by Pulaski and his legion; and on the next day the union of the allied army took place in front of the town of Savannah, general Lincoln having been delayed longer than he expected by the various obstacles opposed to his progress. The British general was no sooner apprized of the appearance of the French fleet than he devoted himself to vigorous preparations to meet the unequal contest. Orders were hastened to the lieutenant colonels Maitland and Cruger, to join him by forced marches; and captain Henry, of the navy, laying up the remnant of his small and useless squadron, the marines, sailors and cannon, were landed, and the first united to the garrison, the last mounted on the batteries. Two hundred negroes were associated with the troops in labor; old works were strengthened, and new works erected. These were designed and executed by major Moncrieff, of the engineers, an officer of superior merit. Lieutenant colonel Cruger, with the garrison of Sunbury, had reached Savannah before the French army sat down before it. Maitland, with that of Beaufort, consisting of veteran troops, was yet absent. Before the union of the two armies, the count d’Estaing summoned the British general in the name of his most christian majesty only. This offensive style violated the respect due from one sovereign to another, and could not have been relished by the American general, although policy may have forbid his noticing it at the moment.[note 43] General Prevost, recollecting the late transactions before Charleston, determined to imitate the example furnished by his enemy on that occasion. He answered so as to protract negotiation, which terminated in his proposition of a truce for twenty-four hours, for the purpose of enabling him, as he suggested, to adjust terms of surrender, should he thus conclude. This was granted; so confident was count d’Estaing of ultimate success. Unfortunate respite! it gave not only time for the completion of much of the unfinished work; but what was infinitely more important, it enabled lieutenant colonel Maitland to assume his part in the defence, before a single offensive step was taken by the assailant. Cut off by the French fleet from the customary route to Savannah, the lieutenant colonel took the only one left which offered a prospect of arrival. Great were the obstacles he had to encounter, sometimes on water, sometimes on land, in deep swamps and marshes, through which his soldiers had to drag the boats, himself ill with a bilious fever, and in every step of his progress subject to interception. Braving all these difficulties, this undaunted and accomplished officer made his way good to the river Savannah; where, embarking in boats above the anchorage ground of the French fleet, he entered the town before the expiration of the truce. Every benefit expected from the delay being derived, Prevost now answered, “that he should defend himself to the last extremity.” This resolution accorded with the wish of all; such had been the change effected during the truce in the state of the besieged. Maitland’s junction diffused universal joy, not only because he added one third to the number of the garrison, and that too in troops of the best quality, but because he added himself, always the source of comfort where danger reigned. The allied army having brought up their ordnance intended for the siege, broke ground on the 23d; and with such diligence were their approaches pushed that, in the course of twelve days, fifty-three pieces of battering cannon, and fourteen mortars, were mounted. All of these opened on the 4th of October, threatening speedy destruction to the enemy’s defences. This dreadful display induced general Prevost to solicit the removal of the aged, the women, and children, to a place of safety; a request, sustained by the claims of humanity, and in no way injurious to the besieged, (the expectation of gaining the town being unconnected with the state of provisions) was unaccountably rejected by the confederate generals. On the approach of the French, few guns were mounted in the works of the enemy; but such had been the vast exertions of general Prevost that now nearly one hundred of different calibers were in full array. Savannah tying on the river is on that side safe. A deep morass stretches from the river above, and gives security to that quarter. Fields environ it on the other two sides. Here the allies were approaching; and here were found the enemy’s defences. Throughout had been erected redoubts and batteries secured wherever necessary in the rear, with impalements and traverses, and the whole surrounded with a ditch and abbatis. So well prepared for defence, the change from regular approaches to storm was the wish of the besieged, their fate being otherwise sealed unless relieved by a British fleet. Prevost did not waste his force in attempts to impede our advances, only two sorties being made during the siege; from neither of which did any material consequence ensue. He calculated on a storm, knowing the danger to the French fleet and army, separated as they were, from the active and daring operations of the British navy, as well as from those agitations of nature usual in the autumn, and so often destructive to ships on the coast. He also counted upon the impatient temper of the French identified in the character of their commander, not doubting from his being our voluntary assistant, he would take his measures from and for himself. Lincoln’s wisdom, Lincoln’s patience, Lincoln’s counsel, would be very limited in its effect. Thus judging, Prevost was right in preserving his full strength for the decisive hour. It soon came: already count d’Estaing had spent one month in the completion of an enterprise, which from the information he had received in Cape François, he calculated would have detained him ten days.[note 44] His naval officers felt for the safety of the fleet, and daily growing anxious for change of station, now became more pressing in their remonstrances; and the affairs in the West Indies (to which aid to us was always secondary) began to demand his attention. The count’s own character gave pungency to the conclusion growing out of these considerations. He accordingly made known to Lincoln that the siege must be raised forthwith, or a storm attempted. Situated as the American general and the country in his care were, no alternative remained. However sincerely he must have wished for the continuance of the adopted system, safe and sure, he could not hesitate in renouncing it, and putting every thing to hazard, sooner than to abandon so important an enterprise. It was of course determined to carry the enemy by storm, and the 9th of October, close at hand, was fixed for the assault. The plan of attack was judicious; the morass stretching from the river, and covering one quarter of the town, gave a concealed approach from a sink in the ground, along its margin leading to the British right, believed by the assailants to be the most vulnerable.[note 45] This advantage was seized by d’Estaing and Lincoln: they drew, into it two columns, the elite of the confederate force, determined to confide the issue to their prowess; while the American militia, threatening the centre and left, should thus distract the enemy’s resistance. Prevost, anticipating with delight the chance of safety which could only be realized by a change in system on the part of the assailants, or by the approach of the British fleet, was always prepared. To the care of lieutenant colonel Maitland he assigned his right, his weakest part. The centre he confided to lieutenant colonel Hamilton of the North Carolina regiment, and the left to lieutenant colonel Cruger. General Prevost having lined the intrenchments with appropriate troops, held disposable to succeeding incidents the seventy-first regiment, two Hessian regiments, one battalion of the New Jersey brigade, one of the New York brigade, and the light infantry in a second line, safe from the injury of our fire. The 9th of October dawned: the allied troops moved to the assault. The serious stroke having been committed to two columns, one was led by d’Estaing and Lincoln united, the other by count Dillon; the third column moved upon the enemy’s centre and left, first to attract attention, and lastly to press any advantage which might be derived from the assault by our left. The troops acted well their parts; and the issue hung for some time suspended. Dillon’s column, mistaking its route in the darkness of the morning, failed in cooperation, and very much reduced the force of the attack; while that of d’Estaing and Lincoln, concealed by the same darkness, drew with advantage near to the enemy’s lines undiscovered. Notwithstanding this loss of concert in assault by the two columns destined to carry the enemy, noble and determinedwas their advance. The front of the first was greatly thinned by the foe, sheltered in his strong and safe defences, and aided by batteries operating not only in front but in flank. Regardless of the fatal fire from their covered enemy, this unappalled column, led by Lincoln and d’Estaing, forced the abbatis and planted their standards on the parapet. All was gone, could this lodgment have been sustained. Maitland’s comprehensive eye saw the menacing blow; and his vigorous mind seized the means of warding it off. He drew, from the disposable force, the grenadiers and marines nearest to the point gained. This united corps under lieutenant colonel Glazier assumed with joy the arduous task to recover the lost ground. With unimpaired strength it fell upon the worried head of the victorious column; who, though piercing the enemy in one point, had not spread along the parapet; and the besieged bringing up superior force, victory was suppressed in its birth. The triumphant standards were torn down; and the gallant soldiers, who had gone so far towards the goal of conquest, were tumbled into the ditch and driven through the abbatis. About the time that Maitland was preparing this critical movement, count Pulaski at the head of two hundred horse, threw himself upon the works to force his way into the enemy’s rear. Receiving a mortal wound, this brave officer fell; and his fate arrested the gallant effort which might have changed the issue of the
day.[note 46] Repulsed in every point of attack, the allied generals drew off their troops. The retreat was effected in good order; no attempt to convert it into rout being made by the British general; who, having gained his object, wisely refrained from hazarding by this measure the safety of the town and garrison. From the enemy’s artillery only, the retiring army received injury, which was considerable. Count d’Estaing, who, with general Lincoln, had courted danger to give effect to the assault, was wounded, as was major general Fontange, with several other officers. The French, killed and wounded, were rated at seven hundred men. The American regulars suffered in proportion: two hundred and forty being killed and wounded, while the mihtia from Charleston, their companions in danger, lost one captain killed, and six privates wounded. The enemy, lighting under cover of their skilfully constructed works, suffered but little, only one hundred and twenty of the garrison being killed and wounded. The British general gained, as he merited, distinguished applause for the wisdom, vigilance and courage displayed throughout the siege. He was supported with zeal by every man under him, each in his station contributing his full share to the desired end. Captain Tawes, of the provincial troops, signalized himself by his intrepidity in defending the redoubts committed to his charge, the leading point of our assault. He fell dead at the gate with his sword plunged into the body of the third enemy, whom he had slain. Lieutenant colonel Maitland, always great, surpassed upon this occasion his former glory; but to the deep regret of his admiring comrades, in a few days after our repulse, fell a victim to the fever which he had brought with him from Beaufort. Major Moncrieff, chief engineer, captain Charlton, commanding the artillery, and captain Harvey, of the navy, acting with the garrison, received the general’s marked acknowledgments for their exemplary exertions. Nor was the allied army behind their successful foe in the race of glory. Every thing was done, which brave men could do. The darkness of the morning produced the loss of punctual combination between the columns charged with the assault; which unfortunate occurrence probably led to our repulse. The daring effort of the intrepid Pulaski to retrieve the fortune of the day, failing, with his much regretted fall, presents additional proof of the high spirit which actuated the besiegers, demonstrating that every difficulty was encountered, every danger braved, to crown the enterprise with success. While with pleasure we offer the praise due to confederates in the hour of assault, we cannot pass from this disastrous day without scrutinizing the preceding conduct of the leaders of the allied army. First, we ask why the route between Beaufort and Savannah had not attracted primary attention. It must have been known that lieutenant colonel Maitland would level all obstacles sooner than fail to unite himself with general Prevost; and it ought to have been known that, Maitland being stopped, Savannah would fall. Yet it appears that this first object was entirely neglected; and it also appears that Maitland’s junction, though unobstructed, was replete with difficulty. Secondly, we cannot but express surprise, (it being clearly understood, that the French cooperation must be very limited in time) at the long delay of the assault. Had count d’Estaing, when his summons was answered by proposing a truce, penetrated the design of the enemy, rejected the proposal, and commenced the attack, the British general would have surrendered, as Maitland had not arrived, and the works were still incomplete. The rash decision, of defending himself thus circumstanced, could not have been adopted; and had it been adopted, the same gallantry displayed at a future day, the French must then have succeeded. The American general had not come up, and is of course exempt from his share in this animadversion: a delay unexpected and unfortunate, for probably had Lincoln been in place, the truce might have been rejected, and an assault adopted. Our repulse was followed by raising the siege. The allied armies separated in good humor, although so lamentably foiled in their sanguine expectations.[note 47] Without delay the count d’Estaing reembarked his troops, and, resuming his naval station in the West Indies, went himself to France, while general Lincoln returned to South Carolina. The abandonment of the siege of Savannah closed the campaign, which had been active, daring and novel, ever presenting sometimes to one side, sometimes to the other, splendid prospects, and turning the moment of expected success into bitter disappointment: Charleston and Savannah alternately struck at by the opposite armies, both within the grasp of the assailant, and neither taken; the American army under Howe defeated; an imposing detachment under Ashe cut to pieces; Lincoln baffled at Stono ferry; the united forces of America and France repulsed before Savannah; yet notwithstanding these heavy disasters, the upper country of Georgia, the object of the contending generals, rested in the possession of the United States. Return to Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department |
