Letters from The Federal Farmer to The Republican
(Richard Henry Lee ?)


October 9, 1787.

Dear Sir,

The essential parts of a free and good government are a full and equal
representation of the people in the legislature, and the jury trial of the
vicinage in the administration of justice—a full and equal
representation, is that which possesses the same interests, feelings, opinions,
and views the people themselves would were they all assembled—a fair
representation, therefore, should be so regulated, that every order of men in
the community, according to the common course of elections, can have a share in
it—in order to allow professional men, merchants, traders, farmers,
mechanics, etc. to bring a just proportion of their best informed men
respectively into the legislature, the representation must be considerably
numerous—We have about 200 state senators in the United States, and a
less number than that of federal representatives cannot, clearly, be a full
representation of this people, in the affairs of internal taxation and police,
were there but one legislature for the whole union. The representation cannot
be equal, or the situation of the people proper for one government only—if the extreme parts of the society cannot be represented as fully as the
central—It is apparently impracticable that this should be the case in
this extensive country—it would be impossible to collect a
representation of the parts of the country five, six, and seven hundred miles
from the seat of government.

Under one general government alone, there could be but one judiciary, one
supreme and a proper number of inferior courts. I think it would be totally
impracticable in this case to preserve a due administration of justice, and the
real benefits of the jury trial of the vicinage,—there are now supreme
courts in each state in the union; and a great number of county and other
courts subordinate to each supreme court—most of these supreme and
inferior courts are itinerant, and hold their sessions in different parts every
year of their respective states, counties and districts—with all these
moving courts, our citizens, from the vast extent of the country must travel
very considerable distances from home to find the place where justice is
administered. I am not for bringing justice so near to individuals as to afford
them any temptation to engage in law suits; though I think it one of the
greatest benefits in a good government, that each citizen should find a court
of justice within a reasonable distance, perhaps, within a day’s travel of his
home; so that, without great inconveniences and enormous expences, he may have
the advantages of his witnesses and jury—it would be impracticable to
derive these advantages from one judiciary—the one supreme court at most
could only set in the centre of the union, and move once a year into the centre
of the eastern and southern extremes of it—and, in this case, each
citizen, on an average, would travel 150 or 200 miles to find this court—that, however, inferior courts might be properly placed in the different
counties, and districts of the union, the appellate jurisdiction would be
intolerable and expensive.

If it were possible to consolidate the states, and preserve the features of
a free government, still it is evident that the middle states, the parts of the
union, about the seat of government, would enjoy great advantages, while the
remote states would experience the many inconveniences of remote provinces.
Wealth, offices, and the benefits of government would collect in the centre:
and the extreme states and their principal towns, become much less important.

There are other considerations which tend to prove that the idea of one
consolidated whole, on free principles, is ill-founded—the laws of a
free government rest on the confidence of the people, and operate gently—and never can extend their influence very far—if they are executed on
free principles, about the centre, where the benefits of the government induce
the people to support it voluntarily; yet they must be executed on the
principles of fear and force in the extremes—This has been the case with
every extensive republic of which we have any accurate account.

There are certain unalienable and fundamental rights, which in forming the
social compact, ought to be explicitly ascertained and fixed—a free and
enlightened people, in forming this compact, will not resign all their rights
to those who govern, and they will fix limits to their legislators and rulers,
which will soon be plainly seen by those who are governed, as well as by those
who govern: and the latter will know they cannot be passed unperceived by the
former, and without giving a general alarm—These rights should be made
the basis of every constitution: and if a people be so situated, or have such
different opinions that they cannot agree in ascertaining and fixing them, it
is a very strong argument against their attempting to form one entire society,
to live under one system of laws only.—I confess, I never thought the
people of these states differed essentially in these respects; they having
derived all these rights from one common source, the British systems; and
having in the formation of their state constitutions, discovered that their
ideas relative to these rights are very similar. However, it is now said that
the states differ so essentially in these respects, and even in the important
article of the trial by jury, that when assembled in convention, they can agree
to no words by which to establish that trial, or by which to ascertain and
establish many other of these rights, as fundamental articles in the social
compact. If so, we proceed to consolidate the states on no solid basis

But I do not pay much regard to the reasons given for not bottoming the new
constitution on a better bill of rights. I still believe a complete federal
bill of rights to be very practicable. Nevertheless I acknowledge the
proceedings of the convention furnish my mind with many new and strong reasons,
against a complete consolidation of the states. They tend to convince me, that
it cannot be carried with propriety very far—that the convention have
gone much farther in one respect than they found it practicable to go in
another; that is, they propose to lodge in the general government very
extensive powers—powers nearly, if not altogether, complete and
unlimited, over the purse and the sword. But, in its organization, they furnish
the strongest proof that the proper limbs, or parts of a government, to support
and execute those powers on proper principles (or in which they can be safely
lodged) cannot be formed. These powers must be lodged somewhere in every
society; but then they should be lodged where the strength and guardians of the
people are collected. They can be wielded, or safely used, in a free country
only by an able executive and judiciary, a respectable senate, and a secure,
full, and equal representation of the people. I think the principles I have
premised or brought into view, are well founded—I think they will not be
denied by any fair reasoner. It is in connection with these, and other solid
principles, we are to examine the constitution. It is not a few democratic
phrases, or a few well formed features, that will prove its merits; or a few
small omissions that will produce its rejection among men of sense; they will
enquire what are the essential powers in a community, and what are nominal
ones; where and how the essential powers shall be lodged to secure government,
and to secure true liberty.

In examining the proposed constitution carefully, we must clearly perceive
an unnatural separation of these powers from the substantial representation of
the people. The state governments will exist, with all their governors,
senators, representatives, officers and expences; in these will be
nineteen-twentieths of the representatives of the people; they will have a near
connection, and their members an immediate intercourse with the people; and the
probability is, that the state governments will possess the confidence of the
people, and be considered generally as their immediate guardians.

The general government will consist of a new species of executive, a small
senate, and a very small house of representatives. As many citizens will be
more than three hundred miles from the seat of this government as will be
nearer to it, its judges and officers cannot be very numerous, without making
our governments very expensive. Thus will stand the state and the general
governments, should the constitution be adopted without any alterations in
their organization; but as to powers, the general government will possess all
essential ones, at least on paper, and those of the states a mere shadow of
power. And therefore, unless the people shall make some great exertions to
restore to the state governments their powers in matters of internal police; as
the powers to lay and collect, exclusively, internal taxes, to govern the
militia, and to hold the decisions of their own judicial courts upon their own
laws final, the balance cannot possibly continue long; but the state
governments must be annihilated, or continue to exist for no purpose.

It is however to be observed, that many of the essential powers given the
national government are not exclusively given; and the general government may
have prudence enough to forbear the exercise of those which may still be
exercised by the respective states. But this cannot justify the impropriety of
giving powers, the exercise of which prudent men will not attempt, and
imprudent men will, or probably can, exercise only in a manner destructive of
free government. The general government, organized as it is, may be adequate to
many valuable objects, and be able to carry its laws into execution on proper
principles in several cases; but I think its wannest friends will not contend,
that it can carry all the powers proposed to be lodged in it into effect,
without calling to its aid a military force, which must very soon destroy all
elective governments in the country, produce anarchy, or establish despotism.
Though we cannot have now a complete idea of what will be the operations of the
proposed system, we may, allowing things to have their common course, have a
very tolerable one. The powers lodged in the general government, if exercised
by it, must intimately effect the internal police of the states, as well as
external concerns; and there is no reason to expect the numerous state
governments, and their connections, will be very friendly to the execution of
federal laws in those internal affairs, which hitherto have been under their
own immediate management. There is more reason to believe, that the general
government, far removed from the people, and none of its members elected
oftener than once in two years, will be forgot or neglected, and its laws in
many cases disregarded, unless a multitude of officers and military force be
continually kept in view, and employed to enforce the execution of the laws,
and to make the government feared and respected. No position can be truer than
this, that in this country either neglected laws, or a military execution of
them, must lead to a revolution, and to the destruction of freedom. Neglected
laws must first lead to anarchy and confusion; and a military execution of laws
is only a shorter way to the same point—despotic government. Your’s, &c.

The Federal Farmer.